As an independent Palestinian state
is inevitable, Israel should help initiate its creation by relinquishing
control of the Gaza Strip.
By Raphael Cohen-Almagor in Haifa
(IWPR Conflict Report: Middle East, January 2002)
Yasser Arafat has delivered almost nothing to his people in recent months. The Palestinians are capable of great endurance, but they also expect some return. I'm not sure the current al-Aqsa guerrilla war (unlike the 1987-1993 intifada, this is not a popular uprising) has produced any.
As the intifada flounders, the first cracks in Arafat's rule are beginning to emerge. Arafat has not spoken to his long-standing colleague Abbu Mazan for months. Last August, he cut short a trip to Tunis due to internal wrangling. Meanwhile, Marwan Barguti, leader of the Tanzim (one of Fatah's military wings) continues to develop his own powerbase. And the lack of coordination between Arafat's manifold security forces is becoming increasingly apparent, with some clearly competing with each other.
Knowing that he cannot win a Palestinian war of independence alone, Arafat had sought to escalate the situation, hoping to spark a wider conflict. But with Syria, Jordan and Egypt apparently in no mood for war, his sights are now set on international involvement. Israel, of course, resents the prospect of UN and European forces on its soil. History has shown that such a presence invariably harms our interests - as it did prior to the '67 war.
Just as Arafat is not delivering for his people, so the Israelis are not reaping any benefits. The Palestinians send people to blow themselves up on our streets, while Israel "targets" their leaders. They shoot, we fire missiles. They kill us, we retaliate - and dozens of lives are lost on both sides. We need to make an innovative, courageous change to Israel's so-called strategy.
In order to break this futile cycle, we should give serious consideration to the "Gaza First" plan, which has already been floated in the press here, without making much waves. Assuming that the Israeli government were to approve the idea by a majority vote - wishful thinking at this stage - the heads of settlements, such as Kfar Darom and Netzarim in the middle of the strip, would be told that the Israeli Defence Force, IDF, was to be withdrawn from the territory. The settlers would be offered a resettlement package enabling them to relocate to another part of Israel.
The package should be generous, something that the settlers will be happy to accept. This in deep appreciation of their historical role in creating facts on the ground in the West Bank and Gaza. This role, however, has come to an end. The government of Israel has decided that the costs - in blood and money - are too high. It has made a strategic decision that Israel no longer supports settlements located in the midst of hostile Palestinian areas.
Those who decide to stay will do so at their own risk. The IDF will supply them with arms for self-defence, but will no longer be around to come to their aid. Israel would acknowledge that Gaza is Palestinian and that we Israelis do not have a rightful place there. This trust-building step is designed to show that Israel is willing to make territorial concessions.
A day after the evacuation, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon would call a press conference at which he would explain the move and invite Arafat to establish an independent Palestinian state in the strip. Israel would continue to monitor security in the region. Of course, the Palestinians will not settle for Gaza alone. They will also ask for the West Bank. But negotiations over Judea and Samaria would be dependent on Palestinian conduct. Meanwhile, a defence mechanism would be erected along the strip to separate the Palestinian Authority, PA, from Israel.
The Gaza First plan is not very costly and the gains are considerable. In the international arena, Israel's strategy of evacuating major settlements, pulling back the IDF and acknowledging the right of the Palestinians to an independent state, would be appreciated. Israel would be transformed from an occupier to a wise democracy, which is willing to pay a price to find a solution. From then on, pressure would mount on Arafat to respond positively.
To those who say that this would represent a Palestinian victory, the answer is that the move is in Israeli interests. It is an essential step to push history in a positive direction, which is why it should be taken unilaterally. The Gaza Strip does not have any biblical significance. It has few settlements. Israel sees no future there.
Palestine would gain sovereignty in the strip. With sovereignty comes accountability. There is a price for entering the community of nations. Unlike "entities", sovereign countries are expected to overcome terrorist organisations. A president cannot say that he does not control his own security forces or his people. If he can't, the international community should conclude that he does not deserve independence.
The Gaza First proposal involves a separation of populations, to allay fears of terrorism. But this also entails an economic price, especially for the Palestinians. It is in Israeli interests not to suffocate Gaza and enable the Gazans to develop independent economic resources.
At the same time, Israel should not turn its back on the settlers who built homes in the strip and in some cases have lived there for decades. Resettling these Israeli citizens after their evacuation will be very costly. This burden might be too heavy for a shaky Israeli economy which has seen better days.
So the Palestinians and the Israelis should request Western financial assistance for the Gaza plan. We need to acknowledge that the Israeli stance so far has been wrong. As an independent Palestinian state is inevitable, it would be far better for Israel to help initiate its creation than succumb to international pressure over the issue. Moreover, as argued, sovereignty will have positive effects for Israel.
Raphael Cohen-Almagor is senior lecturer at the Department of Communication, and chairperson of Library and Information Studies at the University of Haifa.
